Nakhchivan in the Russian Empire
According to the Turkmenchay Peace Treaty signed on February 10, 1828, the Nakhchivan Khanate was abolished and passed to Russia. In the same year, the “Armenian Province” was established in the territory of the abolished Iravan and Nakhchivan Khanates. However, 12 years later, in order to prevent Armenian nationalism, the ethnic naming was abolished and a new administrative territorial unit, the Irevan Governorate, was established. Nakhchivan province was included in this governorate as Nakhchivan Uyezd. After the signing of the Treaty of Turkmenchay in 1828, the first Armenian migration to Nakhchivan began.
The majority of Muslims in the territories newly populated by the Armenians began to flock to Iran and the Ottoman Empire because they did not want to be Russian citizens. However, compared to the Irevan and Zangezur regions, a large part of the population living in Nakhchivan did not leave their territories. For this reason, clashes broke out between the local Muslims and Armenians. Russia’s ambassador to Iran, Griboyedov, was also aware of the clashes. Taking into account the discontent of the Azerbaijani population, Griboyedov proposed 500 Armenian families be relocated to Daralayaz Uyezd instead of Nakhchivan. Thus, the number of Armenians moving to Nakhchivan was not high compared to Irevan, Zangezur and Daralayaz. In 1829-1831, 10,652 Armenians were relocated from Iran to Nakhchivan and 1,340 to Ordubad. (Chopin, 1852:635-638).
According to the census conducted in 1831, the number of Muslims in Nakhchivan province was 17,138, the number of local Armenians was 2,690, and the number of Armenian migrants was 10,670. In Ordubad Uyezd, separated from Nakhchivan province, the number of Muslims was 7247, the number of local Armenians was 2,388, and the number of Armenian migrants was 1340 (Potto, 1901: 229). Until 1832, Armenians migrants in Nakhchivan made up 41.2% of the population (Shnirelman, 2003: 242). Protests over the Armenian migration to the region changed Tsarist Russia’s policy in the region, leaving Armenians in the minority in Nakhchivan.
The establishment of a strong Russian administration in Nakhchivan contained ethnic conflicts here until the early twentieth century. After Russia’s defeat of Japan in 1905, the revolutionary wave that washed over the country began to be felt in the Caucasus. With the weakening of the tsarist administration, a violent ethnic conflict broke out in the region. Massacres began in and around Irevan in February 1905 and in Nakhchivan in May. 128 Armenian and 158 Tatar (Azerbaijani) villages were looted or destroyed in these massacres throughout the Caucasus, including Tbilisi (Altstadt, 1992:242). It was with great difficulty that these confrontations were finally stopped in 1906. After these events, the system of political governance in Russia was relatively relaxed.
After the proclamation of constitutional monarchy in Russia, local governments began to form in the governorates and uyezds. However, representation in these local governments was inconsistent with the ethnic composition of the uyezds. In Zangezur, where 52% of the population was Azerbaijani and 46% Armenian, Armenians were in the majority in the government, while in Shusha, where 53% of the population was Azerbaijani and 44% Armenian, Azerbaijanis and Armenians were equally represented in the government. In Nakhchivan and Sharur-Daralayaz, which were inhabited predominantly Azerbaijani Turks, Azerbaijanis dominated in the local government. Thus, on the eve of the independence of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, the Azerbaijanis of Nakhchivan gained experience in administrative governance. (Altstadt, 1992:31).
The formation of the administrative governance coincided with the activation of some Islamist groups against Russia. The war against the Ottomans strengthened these groups. In 1915-1916, there was an association of radical Muslims in Nakhchivan called Mujahideen. Their goal was to incite the local population, both Sunnis and Shiites, to revolt against the Russian rule. Their agitators preached disobedience to the authorities among peasants in the mosques. It is not clear how those actions affected the public. We know that almost all members of this sect were arrested by the police in December 1916 and thrown into the Irevan prison. Although the people of Nakhchivan and Sharur did not participate in any riots and unrests, the tsarist officials were convinced that the loyalty of the local Muslims depended only on Russia’s success in the war: if the Ottomans won, Russia could not rely on the local Muslims. (Baberowski, 2010:86).
Nakhchivan after the February revolution
After the overthrow of tsarism in Russia on February 27, 1917, the dual power was established in Nakhchivan, just like in the rest of the empire. Uyezd commissions and village executive committees of the Provisional Government were formed here. The second governing group in Nakhchivan was separate Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies and Soldiers’ Soviets organized in the city of Julfa, as well as at the Shahtakhty railway station.
Established on March 9, 1917, Ozakom (Special Transcaucasian Committee) immediately began to form executive committees and commissariats of public organizations—the authorities of the Provisional Government—in all of Caucasus, including Azerbaijani uyezds. In late April 1917, Ozakom’s authorized commissioners were appointed to Nakhchivan and Sharur Uyezds. In May 1917, Ozakom’s representatives began to organize executive committees of uyezd and village public organizations in Nakhchivan. In the following months, elections were held in the executive and food committees of village public organizations, and in the summer of 1917, the establishment of local authorities of the Provisional Government in Nakhchivan was completed. (Madatov, 1968:15).
The victory of the February Revolution and the overthrow of absolutism in Russia marked a new stage in the expansion of the national liberation movement. After the February Revolution, mixed national committees were established in the cities of Nakhchivan, Julfa and Ordubad. Representation in the committees was in accordance with the ethnic composition of the population. Along with the preparation of the requirements defining the objectives of the national movement, the national committees, together with the city dumas and other organizations, contributed to the strengthening of local authorities in Nakhchivan Uyezd. In addition, the establishment of the armed forces of the national committees began.
The main parties represented in the national committees—Musavatists and Dashnaks—sent their organizers to the regions in order to increase their numbers.
The fact that Azerbaijanis made up the overwhelming majority of the population in Nakhchivan Uyezd was also evident in their representation in the mixed national committees. This made it increasingly difficult for Musavatists and Dashnaks to work together in the mixed national committees. The Soviets operating in Nakhchivan relied more on the units of the Russian army (Sadigov, 1995:9).
Nakhchivan’s proximity to the front in World War I resulted in a complication of the political situation in the region. Thus, due to the Azerbaijanis’ closeness to the Turks, both Russians and Armenians looked at them through the eyes of an agent. The use of villagers’ livestock for the frontline needs led to clashes with the police. In a letter to the center, the governor of the Irevan Governorate reported that there was a deep hatred for Ozakom in Nakhchivan. The governor feared that such moves could strengthen the Bolsheviks’ positions in the region. However, there were very few Bolsheviks in Nakhchivan. They had a majority in the Council of Soldiers’ Deputies formed in the cities of Nakhchivan, Julfa and Shakhtakht.
After the withdrawal of the Russian army from Nakhchivan in 1917, the activity of the Soviets significantly weakened. The main force in the region was Ozakom and the local national committees. Like the Armenians, the Azerbaijanis had a national committee in Nakhchivan. After the population’s property had been looted, Jafargulu Khan, the head of the Nakhchivan National Committee, revolted and seized power in the region. Jafargulu Khan then appealed to the Ottoman army and his relative Maku Khan Murtuzagulu khan to protect Nakhchivan. At the time of these events, the October Revolution took place in Russia. This event did not have a special impact on Nakhchivan. Jafargulu Khan had to fight in the region against both the White Russians and the Bolsheviks. When the Bolsheviks were increasing their sphere of influence in Shahtakhty along the railway line, Jafargulu Khan blew up warehouses belonging to the Russian army. Thus, the Nakhchivan national committees effectively seized power (Altstadt, 1992:104).
The political processes that took place in Russia in early 1918 had a serious impact on Nakhchivan. In January 1918, the Bolsheviks dissolved the Russian parliament, as it did not recognize their authority. The Transcaucasian Commissariat, which supported the Constituent Assembly, took an openly hostile position towards the Bolsheviks and at the same time did not recognize the Soviet government. After a series of consultations with the national councils, the Transcaucasian Commissariat decided to convene the Transcaucasian Seim as the legislative body of Transcaucasia. The Transcaucasian Seim did not recognize the Bolsheviks’ signing of a separate peace treaty with the Ottomans on March 3, 1918 and the transfer of some Transcaucasian lands to the Ottoman Empire.
The Ottoman delegation at the Trebizond Peace Conference rejected the objections of the Transcaucasian Seim to the Caucasus articles of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. According to the delegation, the Transcaucasian government should have either accepted the treaty it signed as part of Russia, or seceded from Russia and declared its independence.
In this case, the Ottomans would also agree to sign a separate peace treaty with Transcaucasia. After pressure from the Ottomans, on March 26, the Seim accepted the resignation of the Transcaucasian Commissariat and formed the Provisional Transcaucasian Government. Negotiations between this government and the Ottomans failed. In April, the Seim declared war on the Ottoman Empire. However, after the Ottoman attack along the entire front, the army, consisting of Dashnaks and Mensheviks, was completely defeated. The members of the Seim convened on April 22 to announce the establishment of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federal Republic, despite the protests of the Dashnaks (Sadigov, 1995:9).
Nakhchivan as part of the Ottoman Empire
Dashnaks and Musavatists had different views on the future and foreign policy of the Transcaucasian Federation. This disagreement deepened the contradictions in the Nakhchivan National Committee and made it impossible for Musavatists and Dashnaks to work together. The members of the Nakhchivan National Committee were mostly Musavatists, and they believed that the Ottoman orientation to the east would solve the Dashnak problem in the region. In the spring of 1918, Jafargulu Khan Nakhchivanski, the head of the Nakhchivan National Committee, went to the then Ottoman-held Maku Khanate, where he negotiated the introduction of Turkish troops into Nakhchivan. The Ottoman command wanted the Julfa-Alexandropol railway line to come under their control in order to conduct active military operations against the British. In the spring of 1918, the Ottoman army under the command of Karabekir Pasha entered Nakhchivan (Altstadt, 1992:104).
After capturing Nakhichevan, Karabekir Pasha raised the Ottoman flag in the city. The Ottoman officials first abolished the Nakhchivan National Committee and the Nakhchivan Self-Defense Forces (Bagirov, 1965:45). Khalil Bey was appointed Governor-General of Nakhchivan (Sadigov, 1995:10). These actions led to a cooling of relations between the Turks and the Nakhchivan National Committee. After the Turkish division under Kazim Karabekir Pasha’s command entered the Sharur Uyezd, the offensive was temporarily halted, which created a favorable opportunity for the capture of Nakhchivan by Andranik, the leader of the Turkish branch of the Dashnaks. In these circumstances, the Nakhchivan National Committee withdrew without entering the battle in the face of the superior Dashnak forces. Thus, some villages in the border areas fell into the hands of the Dashnaks.
The lack of progress in negotiations with the Ottomans in May resulted in the formation of three independent republics in Transcaucasia. Before that, the Ottoman army was moving from Kars into Armenia. The battle of Sardarabad at the end of May 1918 saved the Dashnaks from complete annihilation. The Dashnaks, who defeated the Ottomans in this battle, were forced to sign a treaty with the Ottomans in Batumi. The terms of the treaty were severe for Armenia. The Ottoman Empire recognized the existence of Armenia in a small territory. Andranik, the head of the Turkish Armenian National Corps, accused the National Council and Dashnaktsutyun, who had signed the agreement, of treason. Andranik left the republic, saying that the Treaty of Batum described Armenia as an Ottoman vassal state. Andranik’s group, moving from the Garakilsa-Dilijan region along Lake Sevan to Nakhchivan, had 3,000 men. He wanted to reach Iran, taking with him several thousand families of Armenian refugees from Turkey. Passing through Nakhchivan and Zangezur, Andranik looted the all-Azerbaijani villages and killed their population. Thousands of homeless Muslims escaped by fleeing across the Araz River to Iran or east to the Baku Governorate (Hovannisian, 1967:194).
With the Treaty of Batum, an alliance was formed between the Ottomans and the newly established Azerbaijani Democratic Republic. However, the Ottomans did not recognize the independence of the ADR. For the Ottomans, this treaty was important in terms of establishing a legal framework for intervention in the territories of Armenia and Azerbaijan. For this reason, local government was abolished in Ganja, as it was in Nakhchivan. The Islamic Army of the Caucasus consisting of Azerbaijanis and Turks was formed here. On September 15, the Ottoman-ADR army captured Baku. Two days after the capture of Baku, the ADR government moved there. It was after moving to Baku that the Musavatist government, taking into account the composition of the population, laid claims to Nakhchivan, which was part of the Irevan Governorate. The claims to Nakhchivan and Zangezur caused disputes between Armenia and Azerbaijan. (Altstadt, 1992:92). Both sides began ethnic cleansing in the regions to implement their claims. In Nakhchivan, ethnic cleansing was carried out by the Ottomans. In September 1918, the Turkish troops began killing the Armenians living here and expelling them from their homes. The Armenian population was forced to flee to Irevan and Karabakh to escape persecution. Many of the abandoned settlements were seized by Muslims. After the withdrawal of the Turkish army from Nakhchivan in November 1918 under the Armistice of Mudros, the Armenian refugees returned to Nakhchivan (Baberowski, 2010:164).
Nakhchivan as part of Britain
In the second half of 1918, the Ottoman positions in the war began to shake. On October 30, the Ottomans signed the Armistice of Mudros with the Allies to withdraw from the war. According to the terms of this treaty, the Ottoman army was to withdraw from all the lands it had seized in the Caucasus. Before the Ottoman army left Nakhchivan at the end of 1918, it established the Araz Republic, which consisted mainly of Nakhchivan and Sharur-Daralayaz Uyezds (Bagirov, 1965:46). Recognizing the Araz Republic, the Ottoman Empire kept here 5 officers and 300 soldiers under Khalil Bey’s command (Sadigov, 1995:10). This republic was merged with the “South-West Caucasus Republic” established in the strip of land that would connect Nakhchivan with the Black Sea coast. These republics established on paper were a buffer zone against the Entente. After the British occupied Nakhchivan in January 1919, they accepted the Araz Republic as a puppet state created by the Ottomans like the ADR and did not recognize it (Altstadt, 1992:104). After the British occupation of Nakhchivan, the Ottoman officers who remained here presented themselves as soldiers of the Araz Republic.
In early January 1919, Major Gibbon of the British Army arrived in Nakhchivan. The main purpose of his visit was to study the state of the armed forces of the Araz Republic and the extent of the Turkish influence on the policy of this republic. In February 1919, a delegation led by another British emissary, Captain Lawton, arrived in Nakhchivan. He held negotiations about the deployment of British troops in Develi, Nakhchivan, Julfa and Shahtakhty and about the British authorities resolving all local issues.
Attempts by Armenian and Azerbaijani officials to realize their territorial claims, armed with the right of peoples of self-determination backed by US President Wilson, and consolidate them in international law failed. Topchubashi, who led the Azerbaijani delegation to Versailles, witnessed Wilson’s lack of interest in the affairs of the Caucasus Republic. In Paris, Azerbaijan’s territorial claims to Nakhchivan and other Muslim-populated regions of the Caucasus were disregarded (Baberowski, 2010:158). Thomson accepted Azerbaijan’s claims to Karabakh because of it being part of the Elisabethpol Governorate of Karabakh and appointed Khosrov Bey Sultanov as its governor. However, the British temporarily recognized Nakhchivan as the territory of Armenia in order to prevent the formation of a corridor between Azerbaijan and Turkey. This move was met with dissatisfaction on the part of the Nakhchivan National Council and the ADR (Altstadt, 1992:94). The chairman of the National Council of Azerbaijan Rasulzade called this decision a betrayal. Jafargulu Khan, the leader of the Nakhchivan National Committee, openly stated that he rejected any administration other than Azerbaijani over the territory. Therefore, the Nakhchivan National Committee sought to establish closer ties with the Turks in order to protect the region from the Dashnak threat and prevent its annexation to Armenia (Geukjian, 2012:59).
The recognition of Armenia’s right to rule over Nakhchivan encouraged the Dashnaks even more. At the end of 1918, there were armed clashes between the Muslim and Armenian peasantry, in which regular Armenian army units also took part. In mid-December 1918, the 25,000-strong Armenian army besieged and razed to the ground eight Muslim villages near Ordubad. In total, over 200 villages were destroyed during the clashes. The local representatives of the Russian governance, mocking the complaints of Muslim peasants, responded, “You brought the Turks here, and therefore you must be eradicated” (Baberowski, 2010:164). In the villages near Ordubad, Armenians and Muslims lived together, and the Dashnak idea of ethnic cleansing pitted neighbors and even friends against each other. The Armenians who remained in the village during the ethnic massacre were given the right to confiscate the property of the expelled and killed Muslims. The Azerbaijan newspaper wrote about the events: “Thus, all Muslims living in the region will be expelled until peace is declared. After the expulsion of the population, the division of the territory based on ethnicity will change in favor of the Armenians. That way, we can permanently lose these territories at the peace conference.” (Baberowski, 2010:164).
In January 1919, after the end of the two-week war between Armenia and Georgia, the Armenian army began to move from north to south. Armenian General Ivan Hagverdian, training his troops in the village of Develi, was preparing to attack Sharur. However, on the eve of the operation, representatives of the Muslims of Sharur and Nakhchivan offered to agree to conditions that would prevent bloodshed. Therefore, the military campaign was postponed for 10 days. To prevent bloodshed, Lawton, a representative of the British corps, arrived in Irevan from Tbilisi on January 18 and went from there to Nakhchivan. After meeting between Lawton and the local committee members in Sharur and Nakhchivan, an agreement on a temporary peace was reached that would satisfy the National Committee. Lawton returned to the Armenian field headquarters on January 21 and demanded the cessation of all hostilities on behalf of His Majesty’s government. The Armenian government agreed to a temporary peace in order not to lose the British support (Hovannisian, 1971: 230-231).
At that time, the British were planning to establish a general governorship in Nakhchivan. The plan was adopted in February 1919 by Colonel Forestier-Walker. On February 8, Walker demanded that the Armenian army (with the exception of the 50-strong garrison in Develi) withdraw north of the Vedichay. Although the Kachaznuni government tried to negotiate this with the British, the British refused. On February 10, the Armenian army was forced to retreat in the direction of Kemerli. Armenian Foreign Minister Tigranyan did not hide his disappointment in a telegram sent to the Armenian delegation in Paris: “Thus, Sharur and Nakhchivan have been taken away from us, albeit temporarily, and become the British military governor’s office, as in Kars. We even had to withdraw troops from Vedibasar on the other side of the border.” (Hovannisian, 1971:235). However, the British did not intend to stay in the Caucasus permanently. In the spring of 1919, a map prepared by British General Beach for the Paris Peace Conference showed Kars, Surmali, Sharur, Nakhchivan and Zangezur as parts of Armenia.
Of all the disputed territories, the British included in Azerbaijan only Karabakh. After some time, this decision was officially announced. The order of the British Corps Commander to return all refugees, regardless of their nationality and religion, to Nakhchivan was just on paper and remained a pipe dream.
The Armenian government mobilized a large army in the direction of Nakhchivan to change the status quo. With the departure of the British from Nakhchivan, the local committee was left alone in the fight against Armenia. In June, Armenian troops surrounded Ordubad and launched an operation to expel the Muslim population living around the city. On the same days, heavy fighting broke out between Muslims and Armenians in Nakhchivan that lasted five weeks. The Muslims won this battle and completely captured the city (Baberowski, 2010:165). Azerbaijani Ambassador to Armenia Mohammad Khan Takinski sent a telegram to Baku on June 4, 1919, calling for the suspension of oil shipments to Armenia and the provision of funds for the joint Muslim councils of Sharur, Nakhchivan and Ordubad. Foreign Minister Jafarov promised the required financial assistance and praised the ambassador for his courageous service. In the following weeks, Takinski called on Baku to immediately declare war on Armenia.
On June 20, troops under the command of the Armenian General Dron captured many strategic points in Sharur and Nakhchivan. The appeal of the Nakhchivan National Committee to the Entente went unanswered. Despite the promises made by British General Davy, the expulsion and arrest of civilians in the occupied territories continued. Ambassador Takinski’s report to Baku on June 22 stated that only 300 men from the local self-defense forces were resisting the Armenians in Nakhchivan (Hovannisian, 1971:248-249). Despite fierce resistance, the Dashnaks captured Nakhchivan at the end of June 1919. General Shelkovnikov and then Dashnak Vargamyan were appointed to the newly created Governor-General’s office in Nakhchivan (Sadigov, 1995:11).
After the Dashnaks captured a large part of Nakhchivan, a powerful uprising broke out in the region. On July 22, rebels led by Khalil Bey attacked the Armenian army, which had captured Sharur and Shahtakhti. The small Armenian army requested help from the Norashen garrison under the command of Colonel Karakeshishyan. The garrison, which arrived two days later, came under siege as well. On July 25, the garrison broke out of the siege with great difficulty and retreated in the direction of Daralayaz. The Armenian garrison of the village of Khanliglar surrendered without a fight. On July 26, rebels seized an Armenian armored train between Gurd Gapisi and Norashen station. The ruthless battles for Gurd Gapisi, which lasted for two days, ended with the defeat of the Armenians. The Dashnak army was forced to retreat from Gurd Gapisi in the direction of Develi. The defeat of the Dashnaks in Shahtakhty and Norashen put the Armenian garrison in Nakhchivan in a difficult position. Convinced that it would be dangerous to stay in the city, General Shelkovnikov retreated to Mount Martiros with the Armenian civilians. Meanwhile, Armenian soldiers and Armenian civilian refugees in Julfa were forced to flee to the Iranian part of the city. The July battles ended with the complete defeat of the Armenian army (Hovannisian, 1982:71-72).
Thus, there was a break in military operations in the region for some time.
Nakhchivan as part of the United States
The US political activity had a distinct effect on Transcaucasia in the second half of 1919. The United States attached great importance to Nakhchivan as a strategically significant region. Through this territory, it was possible to create opportunities for active influence on Azerbaijan, Armenia, Iran and Turkey. For this reason, the United States sent representatives to Nakhchivan.
There were actually 3 administrations in Nakhchivan during this period. Colonel Ray and Colonel Haskell began negotiations with Musavatists, Dashnaks and Khalil Bey regarding Nakhchivan. On the one hand, the American diplomats incited the Dashnaks against the Turks in Nakhchivan, on the other hand, they tried to convince the Turkish officer Khalil Bey of the good intentions of the United States towards the sultan. Haskell arrived in Baku in September to meet with Prime Minister Yusifbeyli and reiterated the Entente’s neutral policy. Haskell said that the was ready to recognize Karabakh and Zangezur as part of Azerbaijan, but that a US-controlled “neutral zone” would be established in Nakhchivan and Sharur-Daralayaz Uyezds (Altstadt, 1992:102).
The policy of establishing the American Governor-General office in Nakhchivan was implemented simultaneously with the policy of establishing the US mandate over Armenia. Upon his return from Baku to Irevan on September 1, 1919, Haskell sent the “provisions” regarding Nakhchivan and Sharur-Daralayaz to the governments of Azerbaijan and Armenia. According to these “provisions”, the Sharur-Daralayaz and Nakhchivan regions were declared a neutral zone, and administration was entrusted to the American Governor-General appointed by Haskell. All military forces (local and foreign) and local officials were to answer to the American Governor-General (Bagirov, 1965:47-48).
However, this position of the United States was not accepted by the ADR government and the Nakhchivan National Committee. Even Colonel Haskell’s visit to Nakhchivan in October 1919 did not change the situation. Kelbali Khan, the head of the Nakhchivan National Committee, suggested that Haskell create a general governorship in Nakhchivan, subordinate to the US High Commissioner for Transcaucasian Affairs.
On October 22, 1919, the Azerbaijan newspaper, the official press organ of the ADR in Baku, published a statute on the establishment of the American Governor-General’s Office in Nakhchivan, headed by US Colonel Edmund Daley. This happened after the Ottomans accepted surrender. Led by Kamal Pasha, Turkish officers gathered forces in Anatolia because they did not accept the Treaty of Sèvres. Since the establishment of the US governorship in Nakhchivan posed a threat to the Turkish national movement, Karabekir Pasha arrived in Erzurum and from there began to contact Turkish officers remaining in Nakhchivan (Altstadt, 1992:105).
At the end of November 1919, Colonel Ray arrived in Nakhchivan to establish the US Governorship. The main purpose of his visit was to resolve the dispute between Daley and the Nakhchivan National Committee. During the negotiations, the proposal of the Musavat government to establish a general governorship in Nakhchivan was supported. Khalil Bey, who took part in the governance, was convinced that Musavat would not be able to create a real administrative power in Nakhchivan due to its geographical remoteness. For this reason, the Turks wanted to intervene directly in Nakhchivan and seize the region. From the second half of 1919, the relationship between Musavat and the Turkish Eastern Command began to deteriorate. During this period, Turkish officers opposed to the Treaty of Sèvres began the struggle for national liberation against the Ottomans in Anatolia. The pro-Ottoman Musavat government did not recognize the movement at the time.
In Russia, the victory of the Bolsheviks in the war ruined all US plans for the Transcaucasian states. The United States was unable to establish a governorship in Nakhchivan due to the change in the political situation and the local Nakhchivan National Committee’s distrust of the Americans. Two months later, on the orders of Colonel Haskell, the army began to withdraw from the region. In January 1920, the last American soldier left Nakhchivan. Taking advantage of the withdrawal of the US army, Karabekir Pasha took Nakhchivan and adjacent territories under his protection. In February 1920, under pressure from the Turks, the Musavat leadership was forced to leave Nakhchivan. Karabekir Pasha called on Nakhchivan to secede from Azerbaijan and declare its independence. In return, the Turks promised Kelbali Khan help in the fight against the Dashnaks. Khalil Bey wrote to Javid Bey, the commander of the 11th Turkish Division: “Kalbali Khan’s resignation from the Musavat government will make it easier to make Nakhchivan part of Turkey. At present, Nakhchivan is independent from Armenia, and if Kelbali Khan declares independence from Azerbaijan, then we can easily remove Kelbali Khan from power and annex Nakhchivan to our territory (Bagirov, 1965:49-50).
Sources in Russian
Потто, Василий (1901), Къ столѣтію (1801—1901) присоединенія Грузіи къ Россіи. Утвержденіе русскаго владычества на Кавказѣ. том 12. (Potto, Vasily (1901), On the Centenary (1801-1901) of the Annexation of Georgia to Russia. The establishment of Russian rule in the Caucasus. Vol. 12.)
Шопенъ, Иван (1852), Историческıй памятникъ состоянія Армянской области въ эпоху ея присоединенıя къ Россiйской имперiи. (Chopin, Ivan (1852), A Historical Monument of the State of the Armenian Province during Its Annexation to the Russian Empire.)
Баберовски, Йорг (2010), Враг есть везде: Сталинизм на Кавказе. (Baberowski, Jörg (2010), The Enemy Is Everywhere: Stalinism in the Caucasus)
Шнирельман, Виктор (2003) Войны памяти: мифы, идентичность и политика в Закавказье. (Shnirelman, Victor (2003), The Wars of Memory: Myths, Identity, and Politics in Transcaucasia.)
Багиров Юсиф (1965), Из истории советско-турецких отношений в 1920-1922 гг. (Bagirov Yusif (1965) From the History of Soviet-Turkish Relations in 1920-1922.)
Мадатов, Гараш (1968), Победа Советской власти в Нахичевани и образование Нахичеванской АССР. (Madatov, Garash (1968) The Victory of Soviet Government in Nakhchivan and the Establishment of the Nakhichevan ASSR.)
Sources in Azerbaijani and English
Bloxham, Donald (2005), The Great Game of Genocide Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians.
Hovannisian, Richard (1971), The Republic of Armenia: The first year, 1918-1919, Volume I.
Hovannisian, Richard (1982) The Republic of Armenia, From Versailles to London, 1919—1920 Volume II.
Hovannisian, Richard (1967) Armenia on the Road to Independence, 1918.
Geukjian, Ohannes (2012) Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in the South Caucasus: Nagorno-Karabakh and the Legacy of Soviet Nationalities Policy.
Altstadt,Audrey (1992) The Azerbaijani Turks. Power and Identity under Russian Rule.
Sadıqov, Səid (1995) Naxçıvan Muxtar Respublikası tarixindən (Sadigov, Said (1995) From the History of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic.)
To be continued