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Aze.Media > Opinion > The EU steps into TRIPP: Georgia loses its monopoly as Zangezur moves to center stage
Opinion

The EU steps into TRIPP: Georgia loses its monopoly as Zangezur moves to center stage

In recent months, debate within the European Union has intensified over a potential EU role in implementing the TRIPP project—the so-called “Trump Route,” which forms part of the Zangezur Corridor and fits into a broader system of transregional connectivity.

AzeMedia
By AzeMedia Published December 3, 2025 597 Views 8 Min Read
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Aerial view of ongoing works on a section of Zangezur Corridor, Azerbaijan, Jan. 9, 2024. (AA Photo)

In recent months, debate within the European Union has intensified over a potential EU role in implementing the TRIPP project—the so-called “Trump Route,” which forms part of the Zangezur Corridor and fits into a broader system of transregional connectivity. The EU’s interest extends far beyond Armenia’s 42-kilometer segment. Brussels sees the project as part of its Global Gateway strategy, aimed at establishing resilient and politically secure logistics, energy, and digital routes that strengthen Europe’s supply autonomy and reduce dependence on vulnerable corridors.

Within this framework, TRIPP is increasingly viewed in Brussels as a crucial link in a future East–West macro-regional architecture. Commissioner Marta Kos emphasizes that the EU seeks to integrate any logistics initiatives into wider transportation schemes stretching from the Caspian to Europe, including alignment with Türkiye’s and Azerbaijan’s corridors and with routes to Central Asia. Global Gateway requires synchronized infrastructure development along the entire axis, ruling out isolated decisions and necessitating comprehensive planning. This is why the EU is conducting parallel consultations with Ankara and Baku, treating TRIPP as part of a unified transit space.

Another factor driving European interest is the deterioration of EU–Georgia relations. Georgia has long been the primary transit country between Europe, the South Caucasus, and Central Asia. However, political frictions, truck delays, selective inspections, and growing unpredictability have damaged the Georgian route’s reputation and increased logistics costs. This has prompted Brussels to look for alternatives that would reduce dependence on Georgian transit. In this context, TRIPP is seen as a route capable of redistributing flows, lowering risks, and providing a more stable East–West corridor.

A major new element in EU policy came when Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos announced that Brussels is discussing the creation of a special four-party group involving Azerbaijan, Türkiye, Armenia, and the EU to organize transport connectivity more effectively. According to her, TRIPP is only one component of a broader system and must be linked with both western and eastern transit directions. Kos noted that the first discussions took place at a ministerial meeting in Luxembourg in October, followed by further talks at the Tashkent forum, and that the EU expects to reach concrete decisions soon. She stressed that the establishment of peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia creates unique conditions for deploying European initiatives in the region. Kos also said the EU is launching a special platform bringing together governments, the private sector, and international financial institutions, as infrastructure projects require substantial private investment. The focus is on diversifying the southern route of the Trans-Caspian Corridor, where businesses are ready to operate actively but expect proper conditions and infrastructure development.

It is worth noting that after August 2025, EU engagement with Azerbaijan and Armenia on regional connectivity became more structured. A key moment was Marta Kos’s visit to Baku and Yerevan on 17–20 September, formally dedicated to regional cooperation following peace agreements but in practice centered on transit initiatives. A precursor to this process was the late-August visit of the EU’s special representative Magdalena Grono not only to Baku and Yerevan but also to Nakhchivan. The visit to the autonomous republic appeared to be an inspection of the area envisioned for the Zangezur Corridor, indicating the EU’s interest in assessing the political, infrastructural, and security parameters of future routes.

Brussels is also taking the political dimension into account: TRIPP is an agreement between Armenia and the United States, and EU involvement requires coordination with Washington. In this context, Kos asked Armenia to submit a list of infrastructure priorities to be included in a broader connectivity map. At the same time, the EU intensified dialogue with Türkiye and Azerbaijan, aiming to align Global Gateway with their initiatives and avoid competing infrastructure concepts.

Another important development was the 17 October visit of the head of the EU delegation in Armenia, Vassilis Maragos, to Syunik (Western Zangezur), during which the EU for the first time officially voiced its readiness to consider TRIPP as a potential target of support. Maragos linked the project to regional integration, economic recovery, and the reduction of tensions. This marked the first public articulation of the EU’s approach directly at the site of the future corridor.

As a result, Brussels increasingly sees TRIPP as a key component of its eastern strategy, with the South Caucasus transforming from a peripheral area into a connective hub linking the Black Sea, Central Asia, and the European market. Against this backdrop, the EU’s need for reliable and predictable routes has become one of the central motives behind its interest in TRIPP—placing the Zangezur segment at the heart of a new transit configuration where the interests of Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Armenia, the United States, and the European Union intersect.

Ilgar Velizade

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