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Aze.Media > Opinion > Azerbaijan cleans out the “fifth column”
Opinion

Azerbaijan cleans out the “fifth column”

The arrest of Ramiz Mehdiyev continues to dominate public discussion in Azerbaijan. A court in Baku has placed under house arrest the man who, for more than two decades, headed the Presidential Administration of the Republic.

AzeMedia
By AzeMedia Published October 16, 2025 2.2k Views 6 Min Read
4812 1640941580
Ramiz Mehdiyev

The arrest of Ramiz Mehdiyev continues to dominate public discussion in Azerbaijan. A court in Baku has placed under house arrest the man who, for more than two decades, headed the Presidential Administration of the Republic. Having resigned in 2019 and devoted recent years to academic work, Ramiz Mehdiyev is now accused of state treason (reportedly in favor of Russia), attempts to seize power, and the legalization of property obtained through criminal means.

It’s almost hard to believe: until recently, Mehdiyev was one of the most influential officials in the country—meeting foreign delegations, shaping the political ideology of the state, and widely regarded as its “gray cardinal.” And now—an arrest, with charges as serious as high treason.

For understandable reasons, prosecutors are in no hurry to reveal details publicly. Law enforcement agencies generally dislike excessive publicity, and revealing details before trial is uncommon practice.

Nevertheless, information about Mehdiyev’s behind-the-scenes activities has already begun to leak into the press, social media, and other open sources. Among these revelations is a particularly sensitive one: Mehdiyev is alleged to have provided financial support and guidance to the so-called “swearing opposition”—a group of vulgar, anti-Azerbaijani émigré bloggers.

It had long been suspected that these loudmouths barking at Azerbaijan from abroad were not driven by passion for democracy or reform, but rather were fulfilling a paid political order. Experts understand well that such operations require substantial financial backing. It may appear that running a political YouTube channel only requires a smartphone and a webcam, but in reality, most of these shows use professional studios, expensive equipment, and even small teams behind the scenes—far beyond what “refugee allowances” or ad revenue could cover. Azerbaijan is too small a market for ad income to finance this activity. Most importantly, the “swearing opposition” receives its content—pre-packaged, deliberate disinformation mixed with fragments of truth for credibility.

Now, it is becoming clear who was pulling the strings, funding this foul-mouthed troupe, and supplying them with materials for broadcast. About a year ago, this opposition community was rocked by a scandal reminiscent of a “snake pit.” Afghan Mukhtarli—alternately portrayed as a “journalist,” “political prisoner,” or “refugee”—accused another exiled activist, Tural Sadigli, of secretly meeting with government representatives, both through his father and personally in one of the European countries.

While these two “champions of democracy” were publicly exchanging insults online, observers asked an obvious question: who, comfortably seated in high offices, was covertly collaborating with the foreign-based “swearing opposition”? Who was leaking so-called “insider” information—half-truths dressed up as revelations—to figures like Tural Sadigli, one of the most repulsive representatives of the exiled anti-Azerbaijani circles? And for what purpose were they being supplied with “compromising material” on government officials? What was the intended outcome—perhaps to discredit supposed “oligarchs in government” accused of illicit enrichment?

The answer is now coming into focus: it appears that Ramiz Mehdiyev himself was the puppet master behind the “swearing opposition.” Moreover, according to human rights sources, Mehdiyev also “cooperated” with another notorious figure, Leyla Yunus. Azerbaijani journalists remember well that during Mehdiyev’s time in power, many media outlets were used for political leaks and factional infighting. That same experience was later redirected toward the exiled opposition—but with a new goal: to destabilize Azerbaijan, reportedly at the behest of a foreign power.

It didn’t work—and couldn’t have. First, as wise people know, revolutions cannot be imported, least of all through individuals like Tural Sadigli. Second, there is no longer any space or freedom of action for a “fifth column” in Azerbaijan. Recently, Adnan Ahmadzade was detained and is under investigation. Now it is Mehdiyev’s turn. And this is likely not the end of the chain.

What remains to be seen is how the “swearing opposition,” now deprived of both its sponsor and its source of content, will carry on. But that is no longer Azerbaijan’s problem.

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